From Basnigan Fishing Boats to Bulad: The Ilonggo Journey to Zamboanga

The history of the basnigan—also called the basnig in some Ilonggo communities—is the history of a fishing technology that helped transform Northern Iloilo into one of the Philippines’ most important commercial fishing centers. It is also the story of how overfishing, destructive gears, and conflict pushed Ilonggo fisherfolk to migrate: first from the Visayan Sea to Naga in Zamboanga Sibugay, and later from Naga to Talon-Talon in Zamboanga City, where many rebuilt their lives through the dried-fish or bulad trade.

The journey of the basnigan connects three shores: Estancia and the northern coast of Iloilo, where the boat became a symbol of commercial fishing; Naga, where Ilonggo fishers sought new grounds as home waters declined; and Talon-Talon, where displaced families transformed hardship into enterprise. Together, these places tell a larger story of technological change, ecological decline, displacement, and Ilonggo resilience.

The Visayan Sea and the beginnings of commercial fishing

Iloilo’s northern coast faces the Visayan Sea, one of the most productive fishing areas in the Philippines. Its waters, islands, reefs, and seasonal fish runs made it attractive to fishing communities long before modern commercial fishing developed. Towns such as Estancia, Carles, and nearby coastal settlements depended on the sea for food, trade, and employment.

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, commercial fishing began to reshape Estancia. Capiz-based sapyaw outfits, using round-haul seine nets, discovered rich schools of fish offshore and established operations in the area. Their arrival encouraged the town’s center to shift toward the coast, where boats could land, markets could grow, and fishing families could settle.

Estancia’s location gave it access to the rich waters around Carles and the Gigantes Islands. Its fishing grounds attracted boats from Capiz, Cebu, Samar, Leyte, Masbate, and Negros. As more vessels arrived, the town developed the supporting industries that a commercial fishery required: net makers, boat builders, engine mechanics, ice dealers, fish brokers, market vendors, and fish driers.

By the early twentieth century, Estancia had earned the nickname “Alaska of the Philippines.” The name reflected the abundance of its fishing grounds and the town’s growing importance as a landing and trading center. Fish from the Visayan Sea moved through Estancia to markets across Panay, the Visayas, and beyond.

Earlier fishing technologies before the basnigan

The basnigan did not appear in isolation. It emerged from a sequence of fishing innovations that transformed Estancia during the first decades of the twentieth century.

Around 1915 to the 1920s, larger deep-water fish corrals known as punót were introduced by Tagalog migrants. These structures temporarily dominated parts of the local fishery. They required significant investment and labor, but they demonstrated the growing commercial potential of Estancia’s waters.

By the mid-1920s, other technologies entered the fishery. The kubkuban, a purse-seine-style outfit associated with fishers from Samar, became one important innovation. Even more influential was the lawagán, a multi-boat, light-attracting fishing operation introduced from the Tagalog region. The lawagán used lights to concentrate fish and was often motor-towed, making it highly productive.

However, the lawagán was expensive and labor-intensive. Its crews could number between fifty and sixty-five people. It required multiple boats, large quantities of equipment, and substantial operating capital. While it produced impressive catches, only well-capitalized operators could sustain it.

These earlier technologies established the foundation for the basnigan. They showed that night fishing, light attraction, and offshore operations could yield large commercial catches. But they also revealed the need for a more efficient and less costly model—one that could produce profitable hauls without requiring the enormous crews and expenses of the lawagán.

The emergence of the basnigan in the 1930s

The basnigan emerged as a major commercial technology in Estancia during the mid-1930s. It filled a crucial niche between small-scale fishing and the highly capital-intensive lawagán operations.

A typical basnigan was a large outrigger boat, often around sixty feet long. It had wide, heavy outriggers that allowed it to sail and remain stable at sea. Its crew was much smaller than that of a lawagán, usually numbering around fifteen to twenty-five people.

At the center of the operation was the basnig, a fine-mesh bag net lowered from the boat. Fishers used clustered pressure lamps at the prow to attract fish. As fish gathered beneath the lights, the crew positioned the net and lowered it into the water. When enough fish had gathered, the net was raised, trapping the catch inside.

The basnigan was highly productive, especially for smaller but valuable species such as anchovies. Its operating and maintenance costs were significantly lower than those of the lawagán. It required fewer crew members, less equipment, and less capital, while still producing commercial quantities of fish.

By the outbreak of World War II, the basnigan had come to dominate Estancia’s commercial fishery. It had become the most important vessel type in the town’s fishing economy, helping establish Estancia as a regional center for night fishing and fish trading.

The organization of a basnigan crew

The basnigan was not simply a boat with a net. It was a highly organized workplace at sea. Each crew member had a role, and success depended on coordination.

The piloto guided the boat and made decisions about navigation and fishing grounds. The makinista operated and maintained the engine, especially after motorization became common. The timonil helped with steering and maneuvering. Net specialists handled the complicated work of setting, adjusting, and hauling the bag net. A cook prepared food for the crew during long voyages.

Before World War II, many basnigan relied primarily on sail. After the war, surplus engines and improved technology allowed many boats to motorize rapidly. This changed the pace and reach of fishing operations, allowing vessels to travel farther and return more reliably.

The use of temporary booms, poles, pulleys, and coordinated light management made the basnigan distinctively Philippine. It reflected a sophisticated understanding of fish behavior, particularly the tendency of pelagic species to gather around light at night.

The golden age of Estancia fishing

From the 1930s through the 1950s, Estancia experienced what many remember as its golden age. The town became a busy fishing port, filled with boats, fish buyers, traders, and workers. The basnigan fleet played a central role in this growth.

Catches of anchovies, sardines, roundscad, mackerel, and other pelagic species supported a wide network of livelihoods. Fishers earned shares from voyages. Boat owners reinvested profits into new vessels and equipment. Traders bought fish for local markets and for drying. Fish driers prepared bulad for sale in nearby towns and distant markets.

The fishing economy also shaped the town’s identity. Estancia became known not only for its catch but for the skills of its people: boat builders who understood the demands of offshore fishing, net makers who crafted durable gear, and fishers who could read winds, currents, and fish behavior.

For many families, the basnigan represented more than income. It represented status, mobility, and continuity. A son might begin as a crew member, learn the trade, and eventually become a boat owner. Fishing knowledge passed through generations, creating a strong sense of shared identity among coastal Ilonggos.

Postwar transformation of the Visayan Sea

After World War II, the Visayan Sea fishery changed rapidly. War-surplus engines became available, allowing more boats to motorize. Vessels became larger, faster, and capable of traveling farther from shore. New gears, especially trawls and purse seines, intensified fishing pressure.

Bottom trawling brought particularly serious environmental consequences. Trawlers dragged heavy nets and gear across the seabed, damaging coral, seagrass beds, spawning grounds, and other habitats essential to marine life. These habitats supported the reproduction and growth of many fish species. When they were damaged, fish populations became less resilient.

Trawling also captured juvenile fish and non-target species. This reduced the ability of fish stocks to replenish themselves. Over time, commercially valuable species became less abundant, while smaller and shorter-lived species became more prominent.

Purse seining added another layer of pressure. Purse seiners targeted schooling pelagic fish—the same species that basnigan crews depended on. Roundscad, known locally as galunggong, sardines known as tamban or tuloy, and mackerel were especially important targets.

Purse seines were extremely efficient. A single successful operation could encircle and capture an entire school of fish. As more purse seiners entered the fishery, competition intensified. Catch per unit of effort declined even as the number of boats increased. Fishers had to travel farther, spend more on fuel, and remain longer at sea to obtain comparable catches.

The decline of the basnigan economy

For basnigan owners and crews, the postwar transformation created a growing crisis. The fish they targeted were increasingly pursued by larger, more powerful vessels. At the same time, habitat damage from trawling weakened the broader marine ecosystem.

The economics of the basnigan became more difficult. A voyage required fuel, food, ice, lamps, nets, repairs, and wages for the crew. When catches were abundant, these costs could be recovered. When catches declined, owners struggled to break even.

Crew members felt the impact through smaller shares. Boat owners felt it through unpaid debts and reduced profits. Fish traders felt it through smaller and less reliable supplies. Entire fishing households felt it through lower income and greater uncertainty.

By the later twentieth century, overfishing, destructive gears, and habitat degradation had sharply reduced fish stocks in the Visayan Sea. The decline in Iloilo fisheries production reflected these pressures. The Visayan Sea remained under heavy strain from both commercial and municipal fishing.

The basnigan did not disappear completely. Versions continued to operate in different Philippine waters. But the classic Estancia-centered commercial fleet, along with the social and economic world built around it, was fundamentally altered.

The first migration: from Iloilo to Naga

As fishing became less sustainable in Northern Iloilo, some Ilonggo fisherfolk began looking beyond the Visayan Sea. The decline of the basnigan economy pushed families to seek new opportunities elsewhere.

Mindanao became an important destination. Ilonggo migration to Mindanao was part of a broader Visayan settler movement that accelerated after World War II. People moved in search of land, work, trade opportunities, and new fishing grounds.

Naga, now a municipality in Zamboanga Sibugay, became one destination for fisherfolk from Northern Iloilo. Its coastal location and marine resources made it attractive to families seeking a fresh start. For fishers accustomed to night fishing and commercial operations, Naga offered the possibility of rebuilding a livelihood.

The first migrants were often fishers, boat owners, or relatives exploring new opportunities. When they found viable fishing grounds or economic openings, they sent word back home. Relatives, friends, and fellow workers followed.

This movement gradually became a larger migration. Families relocated. Ilonggo fishing knowledge, language, food traditions, and community practices took root in Naga. The migration was not merely individual; it was social and familial, carried through networks of kinship and shared work.

The second migration: conflict and Zamboanga City

The 1970s brought a second wave of movement. Armed conflict escalated across parts of Mindanao, especially after the declaration of Martial Law in 1972. Communities faced insecurity, displacement, disrupted trade, and uncertainty.

For fisherfolk who had settled in Naga, the conflict created new dangers. Many had already migrated once, leaving Iloilo because fishing had become unsustainable. Now they faced instability in the place where they had hoped to rebuild their lives.

Zamboanga City became a destination for many of these families. The city had a larger population, a major port, established markets, and a more diversified economy. Between 1970 and 1980, its population grew from roughly 200,000 to about 344,000. Its highest intercensal growth rate during that period reached approximately 5.8 percent annually.

This growth reflected both economic in-migration and the movement of people seeking relative safety and access to markets. For fishing families, Zamboanga City offered opportunities in fish trading, processing, and the dried-fish business.

The migration from Naga to Zamboanga City was therefore different from the earlier movement from Iloilo to Naga. The first was driven largely by declining fish stocks and failing fishing enterprises. The second was driven by conflict, insecurity, and the need for survival.

Talon-Talon and the rise of bulad

In Zamboanga City, many migrant fisherfolk settled in Talon-Talon, a coastal barangay that would become one of the city’s most important centers for dried-fish processing and trade.

Dried fish—known as bulad in Hiligaynon and Cebuano, and also called buwad, daing, or tuyo in other Philippine languages—has long been an essential food preservation method. Before refrigeration became widespread, salting and sun-drying allowed fish to be stored, transported, and sold far from coastal areas.

For migrant families, the dried-fish trade offered a practical alternative to capture fishing alone. Instead of depending entirely on the uncertain outcome of each voyage, families could buy fresh fish from suppliers, process it, and sell it in local and inter-island markets.

The work was labor-intensive. Fish had to be cleaned, salted, arranged on drying racks, protected from insects and rain, turned regularly, packed, and transported. Women and children played central roles in these stages. Women often managed cleaning, sorting, drying, packaging, and selling. Children helped after school or during busy seasons.

Talon-Talon’s location near the coast, its access to fish supplies, and its network of traders made it well suited for the industry. Over time, family-based enterprises developed around the trade. Some specialized in particular species, including galunggong, hasa-hasa, and tamban. Others built relationships with buyers in Cebu, Davao, and other markets.

The dried-fish business allowed migrant families to remain connected to the sea even when they could no longer rely solely on fishing. It also provided a more stable livelihood than capture fishing, which had become increasingly unpredictable.

The Ilonggo legacy in Talon-Talon

The growth of Talon-Talon’s dried-fish industry cannot be separated from the history of Ilonggo migration. Ilonggo fisherfolk brought with them not only fishing skills but also an understanding of fish preservation, trade, and family-based enterprise.

In Iloilo, fish drying had long been practiced in coastal towns. Estancia itself developed a tradition of bularan making, using bamboo racks along the coast to preserve fish for consumption and sale. This knowledge traveled with migrants and found new expression in Zamboanga City’s bulad trade.

The Ilonggo presence in Talon-Talon also reflects the broader movement of Hiligaynon-speaking people across the Philippines. Ilonggos have historically migrated to different regions in search of land, work, and opportunity. In Zamboanga City, their contribution became visible in fishing communities, markets, and family businesses.

For many families, the dried-fish trade became a way to preserve dignity amid displacement. It allowed them to remain connected to the sea, maintain household income, and build something lasting from hardship.

Memory, loss, and adaptation

The history of the basnigan is therefore a history of both loss and adaptation. In Northern Iloilo, it recalls a period when Estancia thrived as a regional fishing hub and the Visayan Sea seemed abundant. It also recalls the pressures that changed that world: destructive trawling, expanding purse seining, declining catches, and the collapse of once-profitable enterprises.

In Naga, it recalls the search for new beginnings after home waters declined. In Talon-Talon, it recalls survival, adaptation, and enterprise in the face of conflict and displacement.

The basnigan itself did not vanish. Versions continue to operate in various Philippine waters. But the social world built around the classic Estancia fleet—the crews, boat owners, traders, net makers, fish driers, and market vendors—was profoundly transformed.

The Ilonggo journey from Iloilo to Naga and Talon-Talon shows how technological change, resource depletion, and political conflict can reshape livelihoods and human geography. It also shows how communities respond: through migration, family networks, new trades, and the preservation of identity.

A legacy across three shores

The basnigan connects Northern Iloilo, Naga, and Talon-Talon across the Philippine archipelago. In Iloilo, it represents a once-thriving commercial fishing economy centered in Estancia. In Naga, it represents the search for new fishing grounds after the Visayan Sea declined. In Talon-Talon, it represents the ability of displaced fisherfolk to transform hardship into a lasting dried-fish industry.

The legacy of the basnigan remains visible in the memories of Ilonggo families, the fishing traditions of Panay, the communities formed in Zamboanga Sibugay, and the bulad enterprises of Zamboanga City.

Above all, it reminds us that the history of fishing is also the history of people: those who worked the sea, those who suffered when the sea changed, and those who carried their skills, families, and identity across islands in search of a future.